I didn't watch Obama's job speech. He has already revealed his hand and anything he has to say is going to be nothing but a way to shift more money to his campaign through the union money laundering system already set up, already tested via the last stimulus package that was supposed to keep unemployment from reaching 8%. All of that money went to support corporations who employ union labor and to make payroll checks to public employees who are members of a union. The money just makes a U-turn at the union and fills his coffers. Even an Eric Holder Justice Department could trace that fraud. HEH!:)
Friday, September 9, 2011
Obama's Smashing Good Deal
Thursday, September 8, 2011
Re-post: "Shine" in NC!
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Via Michael
Hello from ChiefChaz
COP BLOCK
VERBATIM POST
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Here's a little background on me, I hope I am doing this right. I will then answer some questions that were brought up on Facebook.
I spent 15 years as a Texas Peace Officer. I made it to my Intermediate Peace Officer license, obtained my instructors license and was about to receive my advanced peace officer license when I was injured in 2007 while pursuing a domestic disturbance suspect on foot, my knee blew out. After 2 years of surgeries and physical therapy, they had removed 70% of my right knee. I was listed at a 37% disability rating and could not pass the physical to go back to work on the streets. Because of this injury I can no longer climb, run or jump, or lift heavy objects while standing. I had done a lot in my 15 year career. I had worked patrol, I was a Field Training Officer, I had been a Corporal, a Sergeant. I worked undercover narcotics, SWAT and was a Police Chief twice, and received a few awards. I had received an Officer of the year recognition by Gov. Rick Perry. I had a day named after me in the City of Bedford for chasing down 3 armed robbery suspects when I was off duty. I had several other awards. I was a member of the invitation only fraternity The International Association of Chiefs of Police, and The Texas Police Chiefs association the international narcotics investigators association and National Narcotics Detector Dog Association. It seems my whole career was about getting screwed over by cops though they are not as loyal as they make out to be, the only thing I got out of law enforcement was a lot of reoccurring nightmares, broken bones, a body eat up by arthritis, 3 divorces and 2 bad knees.
After 15 years I was out, I cant really say I miss it. In 15 years I have seen a lot of corruption, abuse of power and official oppression.
In 15 years of law enforcement I had seen a lot. But one thing that stands out is, in 15 years I probably made well over 400 DWI arrests Been in no telling how many fights Been on probably 2000 domestic disturbance calls And worked maybe 200 fatality accidents. Now how many of these involved someone high on marijuana?
NONE, ZERO!!
Alcohol?
Probably 90%!!
That’s the truth! And I'm not the only former cop or active cop that knows these statistics first hand, that’s why you have an organization out there call LEAP. Law enforcement Against Prohibition. An organization made up of current and former veteran police officers and high ranking Police Administrators and Police Chiefs that believe Marijuana should be legalized in fact all narcotics should be, because we know for fact, seen it with our own eyes, that the Drug War in America is a farce and a war that will never be won. All it will do is make the politicians richer and keep big pharmaceutical cornering the market on expensive medicine that causes more death every year than Marijuana. And it will get more votes by those who are still blinded by the lies previous law makers.
During my tenure like I said I observed a lot of shady things, corruption, lies, politics, favoritism, infidelity etc. Most of my career like I said before was spent getting stabbed in the back and black balled by other cops, because I “was not cool”. I refused to play politics, be corrupt, kiss anyone's ass or hurt anyone unjustly. The reason I lost my Chiefs job, because I wouldn't do the illegal things my city council was trying to make me do by threatening me with my job. I went to the media and played them the recorded conversations between myself and council members and the Mayor, it spread like wild fire through the media and in 5 months I was fired for lack of confidence, and Texas Government code law that allows cities to fire Police Chiefs and fire chiefs without any other reason but politics.
Its as sad fact that 90% of police officers out there are pieces of shit doing the job for all of the wrong reasons, 10% are good men and women that want to help people.. sadly those 10% most likely will not make it to their 20 year retirement because they will be harassed and pushed out by the pieces of shit.
So there you have it. I wasn't corrupt and that's why I was run out of every department until I was injured in the line of duty in 2007. Even then my so called brothers in blue didn't offer any assistance to me and my family, I am a single father raising 2 kids, but they didn't care. The State of Texas did nothing for me after 15 years of service, no benefits no nothing.
Then last year in an unnamed city within the metroplex, I was involved in an incident with that cities police department, I did nothing wrong and it was found that it was a big misunderstanding, but not until their SWAT team broke my wrist, my elbow and tore my rotator cuff. So yeah I have a GREAT distaste for law enforcement and enjoy any opportunity to clown the pricks publicly whether it be on the web or through the local media, when they screw up or violate someones rights. I also have a multi-million dollar federal lawsuit pending on the agency.
Where Have You Gone, Conn Conagher? (Perry & Paul)
"Hey mister, who gave you that shiner?”
“Nobody gave it to me, son – I fought for it.”To get the full effect of that exchange between young Laban Teale and the rangy, rough-hewn cowhand Conn Conagher, it's best to imagine the wry reply being delivered in Sam Elliott's sandpaper-on-leather drawl.
Like nearly all the heroes brought to life by the pen of the incomparable Louis L'Amour, Conagher was an unpretentious man who fought when he had to, but only to defend the innocent and vindicate the claims of honor – never to gratify his ego or in search of illicit gain. He had better things to do with his time than fighting, particularly when killing was involved.
The man who "gave" Conagher that shiner – and got much worse in the transaction – was a turbulent criminal named Kiowa Staples. (The fight, not seen in the film, is described in the novel in detail and involves a whip.) Asked by a prospective employer about his “bust-up” with Staples, Conagher offers the most subtle of grins and explains: “We had a difficulty.”
He displays similar laconic restraint when asked at a trading post about two rifles he obtained while fighting off a Comanche ambush. After Conagher explained that one of the assailants had escaped, one of the cowhands at the post – who had listened to Conn's account with envious skepticism – sarcastically asked why he hadn't pursued the Indian and killed him.
“Mister, nobody but a fool goes into the rocks after a wounded Comanche,” Conagher replies, his voice quietly contemptuous.
Conagher signs on to work with rancher Seaborn Tay, and discovers that the owner of the rival Ladder Five ranch has paid off several of the other hands – including a combustible bully named Chris Mahler – have been stealing Tay's livestock.After Conagher thwarts a group of rustlers working for the Ladder Five, he is confronted at dinnertime in the bunkhouse by Mahler, who is angry and frustrated by the stalwart cowhand's stubborn honesty. Mahler knows that it's pointless to invite Conagher to join in the larceny, but he tries to browbeat him into “doing his job” -- meaning look the other way. Neither impressed nor intimidated by Mahler, Conagher drives him out of the outfit.
Thrust into a conflict with the rustlers, Conagher deals out his share of lead, and eventually takes a couple of rounds himself. “A man who kills when he doesn't have to is a damned fool,” he explains to a younger hand during a lull in one battle.L'Amour's heroes could be described as fictional only in biographical details. A self-educated man who lived a life much more interesting than any of the stories he told, L'Amour knew scores of men like Conagher, Chick Bowdrie, and the others who populate his writing: Stoic, honorable men with great capacity for violence but the character to avoid it unless it was justified and necessary.
Authentic cowboys aren't braggarts or blatherskites. This is one of countless reasons I'm nauseated every time someone refers to some soft-handed specimen of the political class as a “cowboy.”
The Compromise Tariff of 1833
Military Conflict Narrowly Avoided
Part 4 of a Series
Mike Scruggs
On November 24, 1832, the people of South Carolina acting through a Nullification Convention authorized by the state legislature, passed an Ordinance of Nullification declaring the 1828 and 1832 U.S. tariff acts unconstitutional and therefore unenforceable. On January 16, 1833, President Andrew Jackson requested that Congress pass a Force Bill to authorize military intervention against South Carolina. However, others, including former supporters of the 1828 Tariff of Abominations—Senator Henry Clay and President Andrew Jackson’s Secretary of State Martin Van Buren—saw that the only way to avoid the impending clash of arms was compromise and began working on a compromise tariff bill to replace the 1832 Act with terms more amenable to South Carolina and other Southern states. Fortunately, John C. Calhoun was back in the Senate to assist. The Force Bill was tabled by a vote of 30 to 15 in the Senate, and the House Judiciary Committee voted 4 to 3 against it while both the House and Senate worked franticly to come up with what would become the Compromise Tariff of 1833. Meanwhile, South Carolina had postponed enforcement of Nullification to avoid unnecessary conflict. General terms for the compromise were reached after a private meeting between Clay and Calhoun.
Jackson’s Force bill was passed only after the Compromise Tariff had passed by votes of 119 to 85 in the House and 29 to 16 in the Senate, making the Force Bill effectively moot. South Carolina voided its Nullification Ordinance and disbursed the 27,000 military reserves called up to defend its territory and rights against Federal intervention.
The 1833 Tariff Act authorized tariff rates to be gradually rolled back by 1842 to the levels of 1816, with dutiable ad valorem rates averaging about 20 percent.
Many had opposed the concept of nullification, but the fact is that it forced a rethinking of the unbearable tariff injuries being imposed on the South and resulted in intelligent compromise, just as it was intended to do in the conception of Calhoun. What is shocking is that the lessons of the Nullification Crisis of 1832—with its narrowly avoided threat of secession and armed conflict—were forgotten by 1860 when the more populous North again tried to impose unbearable taxes and extreme economic disadvantages on the South for the sake of Northern industrial growth and prosperity.
Whig leaders in congress were again able to pass protectionist legislation in the Tariff of 1842, also known as the Black Tariff. This tariff primarily benefited the iron industry, nearly doubling the rates for both raw and manufactured iron goods. By 1843, imports had dropped by half, thus actually reducing total tariff revenues. Exports dropped approximately 20 percent. Following the 1844 elections, the disastrous 1842 Tariff was replaced by the 1846 Walker Tariff, lowering rates to pre-1842 levels.
The 1857 “Free-Trade” Tariff was passed by a nonpartisan coalition dominated by conservative Southern Democrats and reduced tariff rates to almost free-trade levels. This was strongly opposed by Northern industry and Northern industrial workers. When a financial panic caused by loose banking practices resulted in a Northern recession in 1857, the new Republican Party—continuing the old Whig economic policies— blamed it on free trade and the 1857 Tariff Law. By 1858, the Republicans had submitted new tariff legislation, the Morrill Tariff, to the House Ways and Means Committee.
Like many modern legislative attempts to conceal the purposes, costs, and political and economic benefits and injuries of a bad bill, the title of the Morrill Tariff commenced with deceptive obfuscation:
“An Act, to provide for the payment of outstanding treasury notes to authorize a loan…”
Tying legislation to urgently needed treasury needs or some alleged crisis is a common method for rushing bad bills through Congress. Sometimes bad bills are held back so they can be rushed through Congress under the cover of urgency and confusion. No one, of course, wants to be responsible for halting the wheels of government and causing injury to the public, whether the alleged damaging consequences are probable or the improbable fiction of demagogues. Many bills are filled with pages of unrelated pork-barreling to enhance their passage through Congress. The Morrill Tariff made extensive use of logrolling and pork-barreling to entice bargains made between various special interests. These corrupt bargains, however, inflicted injury and injustice on the South.
The whole history of protectionist legislation, especially from 1824 to 1832, should have alerted all Americans to the danger that the Morrill Tariff posed to the nation. Its ideological predecessors had caused a crisis in 1832 that brought the nation to within days of secession and military conflict that could easily have expanded. Yet sectional prejudices and greed blinded the dominant Northern political and economic interests to that danger in 1860 and 1861. The Morrill Tariff was so damaging to the interests of the Southern cotton-producing states that it essentially forced them out of the Union. The hardened and unrelenting prejudice of the dominant political and economic interests of the North toward the South left little hope for justice or reasonable compromise. Secession was felt to be the only honorable choice.
The Confederate Constitution outlawed protective tariffs, and the Confederate Congress set an economic course for low-tariffs and free trade. But what would happen to Northern ports, shipping, industry, labor, and tax revenues under this new economic scenario? The answer was obvious, and Northern commercial interests and newspapers began to call for military intervention to prevent Southern Independence.
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The Compromise Tariff of 1833

