Monday, December 12, 2011

Why Mumia is Guilty

Convicted cop-killer Mumia Abu-Jamal—easily the world’s most famous death-row prisoner—has finally been demoted from death row. Philadelphia District Attorney R. Seth Williams announced last Wednesday that his office would no longer challenge a 2001 federal court decision overturning Abu-Jamal’s 1982 death sentence. Barring a retrial, the murder conviction will stand and Abu-Jamal will spend the rest of his life in prison without the possibility of parole.

Last Friday marked thirty years since the early morning murder of Philadelphia police officer Danny Faulkner, shot in the face as he lay on a downtown sidewalk after being shot in the back from close range. But Faulkner remains unknown while Abu-Jamal has achieved international celebrity and an iconic near-sainthood status among progressives, what with their limitlessly bad judgment in selecting black heroes.

“But Faulkner remains unknown while Abu-Jamal has achieved international celebrity and an iconic near-sainthood status among progressives, what with their limitlessly bad judgment in selecting black heroes.”

Since his murder conviction, Mumia has become a countercultural rock star, a marketing franchise, and an unlikely (if predictable) political hero. He’s been praised by Chomsky, Derrida, Tutu, Mandela, Wiesel, and nearly every person on Earth who ever thought Trotsky was a really cool dude. Via recordings, he has served as commencement speaker for two different American colleges. He has been made an honorary citizen of an estimated two dozen cities worldwide. The French love him to pieces. A street in suburban Paris is named after him. When Paris made him an honorary citizen, it was the first time they’d bequeathed anyone that distinction since doing it to Picasso in 1971. Danielle Mitterand, former first lady of France, even trekked all the way out to rural Pennsylvania to console Mumia on death row.

The entertainment industry blithely stampedes over Danny Faulkner’s carcass in their rush to embrace Mumia. Oliver Stone, Sting, Ed Asner, Alec Baldwin, Mike Farrell, Susan Sarandon, Martin Sheen, and countless others insist their puppy-eyed dreadlocked hero is merely a “prisoner of conscience,” a crusading activist reporter targeted by fascist stormtroopers for bravely opening his hairy yap one too many times about their evildoing.

The narrative they’ve carefully molded and maintained over the years is that Mumia was framed by racist pigs merely for writing about racist pigs and that he really didn’t exchange gunfire with that racist pig who shot him, even though that racist pig still wound up dead. To them, the pig’s grieving widow is merely an attention-seeking racist bitch. They’re focused solely on Mumia and his suffering.

And although they probably wouldn’t care if Mumia actually did it—after all, don’t all racist capitalist imperialist pigs deserve to be shot in the face?—they insist he didn’t.

So what’s the truth? Or at least, what’s the most plausible theory about what happened on that cold December morning on a street near City Hall known to swarm with hookers and cops? (If you feel bold enough to dive into the JFK-assassination level of conflicting details and theories, here’s an exhaustive overview from the Free Mumia crowd and one from the Fry Mumia bunch.)

At Mumia’s trial, the prosecution presented its theory as to what happened, as did the defense. Mumia’s brother William Cook kept schtum for twenty years until he finally coughed up an alternate theory regarding another shooter. I’ll review the problems with all those theories and then present my own theory—which, as an ex-Philly cabdriver, makes perfect sense to me.

MORE

Sunday, December 11, 2011

CBM: Way Back Home

GMS: 199th Birthday



CBM: Sweetness Of Your Love

Carolina Beach Boardwalk

Islamic Parking Privileges

Gates of Vienna
Verbatim Post

The NYPD made a major mistake when they cut some slack for Muslim cab drivers who wanted to attend Friday prayers at a mosque in the Upper West Side of Manhattan.

The cabbies had been allowed to park in no-standing zones, and even double-park, without being ticketed. The resulting street blockage became too much for local residents, and they complained. Police responded by starting to ticket and tow the offending vehicles.

Now the cab drivers are upset. They say they are victims of religious discrimination — because they are required to obey the law like anyone else.

Many thanks to Vlad Tepes for uploading this video:


North Carolina Patriots of ’61: J. Sidney Setzer

North Carolina War Between the States Sesquicentennial
www.ncwbts150.com
"The Official Website of the North Carolina WBTS Sesquicentennial Commission"


North Carolina Patriots of ’61: J. Sidney Setzer:

I enlisted at Newton, NC, in August 1861. We were the First NC Battalion; later Company A, 32nd Regiment. I was not the bravest of the brave, though participated in every engagement of my regiment engaged in (until captured). Beginning with a slight skirmish at Winston, NC, the battles of Gettysburg, Wilderness and Spottsylvania Court House being the most disastrous. During the three days battle at Gettysburg I witnessed about eight men in hand to hand struggle over a Federal flag, using butts of guns; one Confederate soldier only securing it.

Confronting Heights [the] third day, in front of Battery, and small arms [fire], I witnessed a number of our men torn asunder, threads of flesh thrown into low limbs of overhanging trees. We were on the banks of a deep ravine at edge of woods, the front being a steep field, and our only refuge was falling into the ravine, [we then] crawl[ed] to the left to front cover of woods, when we charged and dislodged the enemy for a time.

At dusk, when both armies began to retreat, I was on skirmish between the two and was slightly wounded, but remained with the command. Our retreat re-crossing [the] swollen Rappahannock, struck us under arms, compelling us to cling in groups of fours to avoid washing down[river].

After hard battles of [the] Wilderness to Spottsylvania Court House, half or more of our survivors were captured, including myself. The loss of life was appalling. Our captors, nearly drunk, howled “no quarter.” Interference of their officers saved us from massacre. We were rushed through their six lines of battle over more dead than I ever witnessed elsewhere. We were conveyed to Point Lookout, Md.; later to Elmyra, N.Y., suffering untold destitution at both places. I was paroled February 25, 1865, and sent to Richmond, and from there home. Was not exchanged, consequently was at home when the war ended. The hardships, dangers, etc., of the four years were almost intolerable.

After returning home I engaged in farming and school teaching in the common schools for a few years. Having no means to begin with in the way of money or inheritance of property, I bought a small farm in Caldwell County on credit. Was married and settled down where [my] wife and I labored together on the little farm until it was paid for. Then bought some interest in cotton mill, etc., in Granite Falls, NC, where I worked on salary and accumulated [savings].”

(The Catawba Soldier of the Civil War, George W. Hahn, Clay Printing Company, 1911, pp. 211-212)


North Carolina Patriots of ’61: J. Sidney Setzer

Taking the red pill

RedPill:DaybyDayCartoon

March Of The Bonus Army (Same Treatment Today?)

Re-post from 2009







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March Of The Bonus Army (Same Treatment Today?)

A Dangerous Woman -- Indefinite Detention at Carswell

Via The California Tree of Liberty

Some things are unforgivable in a democracy. A bill moving through Congress, authorizing the military to imprison American citizens indefinitely, without a trial or hearing, ranks right at the top of that list.

I know—I lived through it on the Patriot Act. When Congress decided to squelch the truth about the CIA's advance warnings about 9/11 and the existence of a comprehensive peace option with Iraq, as the CIA's chief Asset covering Iraq, I became an overnight threat. To protect their cover-up scheme, I got locked in federal prison inside Carswell Air Force Base, while the Justice Department battled to detain me "indefinitely" up to 10 years, without a hearing or guilty plea. Worst yet, they demanded the right to forcibly drug me with Haldol, Ativan and Prozac, in a violent effort to chemically lobotomize the truth about 9/11 and Iraqi Pre-War Intelligence.