Matt W. Ransom, Confederate General From North Carolina
(His great grandson and I were childhood friends.)
Lincoln
as president-elect had ample opportunity to tour the South to better
understand the region, as well as chastise the fanatic abolitionists who
fueled the secessionist impulses of the South. He did neither, and
after his unconstitutional call for troops to war upon a State, gave
North Carolina Unionists no alternative but to join their brethren in a
more perfect union.
Bernhard Thuersam, Chairman
North Carolina War Between the States Sesquicentennial Commission
"The Official Website of the North Carolina WBTS Sesquicentennial"
Impatient But Determined Northern Economic Forces Cause War:
“Appealing
to his constituents on a platform which included a protective tariff,
internal improvements, free homesteads to free-soilers, and limiting
slavery to its current borders, Abraham Lincoln won the presidency by
pulling in the electoral votes of all the Northern States with the
exception of New Jersey. In ten Southern States he pulled no votes at
all and consequently had no electors from that section. The national
voting performance indicated that Lincoln drew considerably fewer votes
than the total number of ballots cast for his three rivals, Douglas,
Breckinridge, and Bell.
In
searching for solutions to the troubling problems following the
national elections, alert citizens wanted to know more about the kind of
program the new president intended to implement during his
administration. To effectively counter secession arguments, Southern
Unionists needed answers to vital questions – answers only the
president-elect could give.
Reflecting
the anxiety of many was North Carolina Congressman John A. Gilmer’s
letter of December 10, 1860, to Lincoln….[that] before assuming his high
office, should “give the people of the United States the views and
opinions you now entertain on certain public questions now so seriously
distract[ing] the country.”
Lincoln,
in his return letter….chose to continue his policy of silence relative
to his pending administration. Giving assurance he did not intend to
interfere with slavery in the District of Columbia, [and] seemed to
imply flexibility “on everything except the territorial question, and on
this he would not yield.”
To
those citizens both North and South who were thoroughly convinced that
slavery extension existed more in theory than in fact, the
president-elect’s position bordered on absurdity. In truth, the
plantation system was not destined to expand into any existing
territories of the United States. The territory of New Mexico, for ten
years open to settlement by slaveholders, recorded not one slave in the
census of 1860. Colorado and Nevada were likewise without slaves. A few
bondage blacks were to be found in Utah, and for the same year, census
statistics indicated that two slaves resided in all of Kansas.
Thoughtful
observers knew it would be a tragic mistake for Lincoln to proceed
without a thorough understanding of the present South, reflecting the
conditions brought on by a decade of intense and often bitter sectional
rivalry with the North. Republican leaders, convinced as they were that
an inevitable climax to the slavery issue was drawing near, surely would
not overlook the strong likelihood that resolution was not attainable
without secession and war.
Also,
might certain essential observations have escaped Lincoln in his firm
belief that there still remained throughout the South a strong residue
of Union support and loyalty? In truth, Union sentiment in the region
was much weaker than it had been in years past. The loyalty that had
made North Carolinians proud to send James K. Polk to the presidency had
now been supplanted by new and disturbing sensations.
For
reasons valid or otherwise, there was furthermore a persistent
suspicion that selfish and sinister forces were behind or perhaps a part
of the Northern anti-slavery movement. If an irrepressible conflict lay
ahead, as contended by some, how accurate was it to conclude that black
people held in forced labor were the major cause of this impending
crisis?
Tariffs
revised upward, a national government favorable to the
industrialization and capital investments so essential to expanding
industry and commerce – these and related matters occupied the attention
of Northern entrepreneurs and political leaders. Could it be that when
spokesmen for these special interests lashed out critically against
slavery, very often their zeal was intended not so much to liberate
unfortunate black people as to obliterate the political power of the
region in which they resided?
Was
not the South – represented by its phalanx of representatives in
Congress, by its dominance of the Supreme Court and almost continuous
control of the executive branch, and by its agriculturally-oriented
society….the real target of North attacks? Until this establishment was
dismantled, impatient but determined Northern economic forces would
continue to be held in check. So why not strike at the South’s
Achilles’ heel by mounting a convincing humanitarian campaign against
its “peculiar” institution?”
(Matt W. Ransom, Confederate General From North Carolina, Clayton C. Marlow, McFarland & Company, 1996, pp. 3-5)
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